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They began to seek outside sources of power to help them deal with a movement they saw as dangerous and threatening. But the Inquisition took no action. The botched attempt by the Council of Missions in to capture a mestre de jurema seems not to have been repeated.
This botched attempt was the only serious effort to reign in the move- ment. He did not possess the authority to make either order, however.
But due to delays in gathering the ten soldiers and the priest, the Indians in the village had time to be apprised of the situation, arm themselves, and prepare to resist. They did so, killing some six to nine Indians, including one woman, and injuring three others.
The Indians of the village retaliated against the four Indians who were with the troops, killing one of them, but not harming any of the white soldiers. Likewise, there is no evidence to suggest that the use of jurema was spreading to the non-Indian population at this time. But it had already spread geographically and racially by the end of the eighteenth century. The Inquisition ordered an investigation because of the clear disrespect shown the image of Christ and the clear evidence of religious blending.
The witness indicated that the participants often spoke of miraculous things they saw in the heavens and even spoke with demons. The witness also indicated that whites, pardos, and women participated regularly in the ceremonies. One witness stated that this practice was common among all the Indians in the region and that they did it every day. They resisted with the help of some local authorities, and, in the end, Antonio Teixiera discontinued the inves- tigation after questioning only seven witnesses.
He reported to the Inqui- sition that he thought the witnesses were vacillating and that he simply could not acquire the necessary information.
Clearly, jurema use was much more widespread by the end of the eighteenth century. And it was beginning to gain a following among the mixed race and white population from which it eventually spread to Afro- Brazilian religions. Similarities in ritual—including the use of tobacco, drug-induced trance, and dancing—made such a transmission not only possible, but likely.
Hence, the religious use of jurema continued and re- surfaced in the twentieth century as an expression of indigenous cultural identity and in Afro-Brazilian religious organizations. Lima argued in that the earliest documented use of jurema dated to in the site and that before that time it was only used sporadically by northeastern tribes. The most common spirit deity to bear the name jurema is the Caboclo Jurema.
The jurema was originally served in a wooden pot with feathers around the edge indicating its indigenous origins. University of Pennsylvania Press, , 75— Editorial Alhambra, , From here it probably spread to the site by the s, as Lima guessed.
It was then elaborated upon until Lima discovered and described a deeply syncretic ceremony in the s. Until now, there has been no documentation to demonstrate when jurema came to be used regularly in indigenous cults and how colonial authorities responded to its use.
So why did colonial authorities fail in their halfhearted attempts to suppress the cult and why did the Inquisition not act more vigorously on the denunciations it received? Local authorities appealed to the Inquisition as one of those institutions. But the Inquisition did not respond largely because, as with the baptism of slaves, it probably saw this as a matter best left to the bishop until it in- volved sacrilege and the non-Indian population.
Then the wheels of the inquisitional bureaucracy began to turn, but the Inquisition failed, once again, because of indigenous resistance and the death of the accused leader.
Stewart, Peyote Religion: A History Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, Paulo Prado, ; Rodolfo Garcia, ed. Vozes, Leuven University Press, When measured on the scale of danger to the colonial order, the Jurema Cult came up wanting and did not justify the effort and expense that repression would have generated.
Thus the Jurema Cult remained free to rearticulate ancient indigenous religious practices, ritual, and pharmacological traditions, which permitted the Indian population to reach for the divine much as their ancestors had for millennia. Slaves in Pernambuco worked in virtually every sector of the economy, in almost every form of skilled and unskilled labor. Some slaves lived in close quarters and had almost daily contact with their owners, while other slaves rarely saw their masters—and only then to pay them the already agreed-on portion of their earnings.
Global Change and Regional Impacts
These slaves enjoyed a certain amount of prosperity, while others wallowed in miserable poverty, often suffering from severe malnutrition and brutal physical punishment. Slaves also came from a wide range of ethnic backgrounds, and, when tensions arose, they often split along ethnic lines. They lived alongside the growing mass of freed and freeborn blacks and mixed-race peoples who began to swell the coastal cities in the eighteenth century.
Sometimes they cooperated, and sometimes they competed. The story of Brazilian slavery is marked by those episodes when slaves struggled to improve their situation through strategic disobedience, resis- tance, and outright rebellion.
They and their descendants also continued to reach for the divine in ways that were familiar and comforting. Rotinas e rupturas do escravismo no Recife, — Recife: History of Religions of Christianity or created new religious amalgamations rooted in their African traditions. One tradition that cut across ethnic and social lines and one privilege that Africans both slave and free stubbornly asserted was the opportunity to come together to sing and to dance.
In Pernambuco, both free and slave people of African origin participated in dances on religious holidays, Sundays, and at night. In some cases, the gatherings could be quite large. These dances were probably as much social as they were re- ligious, offering entertainment and diversion from lives that often centered on hard labor, drudgery, and harsh discipline.
Some argued that these dances were harmless and represented the only recreation available to slaves. Those who wished to suppress such practices argued that they were licentious, superstitious, and provided opportunities for the hatching of plots and rebellions and were therefore dangerous to the security and tranquillity of society. As the unrest of the late colonial period increased, slave uprisings became more frequent throughout Brazil, and these debates took on much greater urgency.
To pacify a growing and disgruntled mob, one of the friars held up an image of Christ and declared that the Lord had ordered them to do it, whereupon the blacks hesitated and began to quiet down.
The friars then proceeded to the home of a married woman who was playing a guitar and smashed it. Even the prefect of the Convent of Penha, 39 Mary C. Princeton University Press, , — Stuart B. Cambridge University Press, , — Wesleyan University Press, Natulpographia de M. Under normal protocol, when a denunciation was deemed to have merit, the Inquisition would order an inquiry to be made.
This choice of avenues could indicate at least three things. First, the Inquisition may have been conceding that the situation was far beyond the institutional means for repression they had available in Pernambuco.
They could not simply try the entire slave and free black population. Second, they may have questioned whether the matter really fell under their jurisdiction. Third, they may have wished to assert their authority during a period when the Inquisition was coming under increased pressure and experiencing a decline in its power and prestige.
In any event, their language left no doubt as to where they stood on the issue of batuque. History of Religions as a good Catholic, to eradicate the dances once and for all and to protect and support the missionaries who sought to do so. The dances did not retain elements of pagan rites, as they supposed, and none of the preceding governors, bishops, or missionaries had ever prohibited the dances.
Besides, he argued, it would be dangerous to attempt to eradicate them. He knew all too well that the blacks, who were subjected to the miserable conditions of slavery, would rise up in rebellion if they were not permitted to continue enjoying this form of entertainment on their day off Sunday.
He claimed that chaos had ensued when previous governors had attempted to obstruct the dances because of the noise and racket that they made, and he knew that an uprising could happen again. But the governor also apparently feared reprisal from the Inquisition, and he wrote to the Overseas Council asking if he had done the right thing. The governor had been referring to the cultural dances the slaves brought with them from Africa, each nation performing its own dances with its own music.
Indeed, they were very similar to the arlequim and other dances that per- mitted the movement of the body, which, even though they were not the most innocent, were not that different from the fandangos of Castile, the fofas of Portugal, or the londuns of the whites and pardos of Brazil.
Stuart Schwartz misread this document. He dated the debate to , when it actually began in and continued into He also claimed that Povolide was the governor in , when he was actually governor from to The Inquisition demanded an immediate and complete suppression of all African dances. See Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, Peter Fryer got the date and the context more or less correct, but he does not cite the original document and instead relies on secondary descriptions.
See Fryer, Rhythms of Resistance, See Moraes e Silva, Diccionario da lingua portugueza, s. He had sent the priests away to be punished and had soundly whipped the slaves and forced their masters to sell them out- side the captaincy. In these rituals both food and the blood of animals are offered to the various spirit deities. The fofa was very much like the lundu and may have been an earlier version of it.
If they were acceptable for whites and pardos, how could they be objectionable for lower-class blacks and slaves? The second type, however, with explicitly religious content, should be prohibited and eradicated completely. Fryer also suggests that he may have been re- ferring to the lundu danced in Portugal.
But it seems more likely that he means Brazil. History of Religions Council also ordered the bishop to support the governor in his attempts to eradicate the offensive dances.
In response to the order, he commanded that the churches be locked up at night to prevent the celebra- tions of St. By contrast, local leaders were acutely aware of the very real danger the large slave population presented and the tolerable limits of any attempt to rob them of one of the few pastimes that was not strictly regulated by their masters.
Indeed, the freedom to sing and dance was held to be inviolable by them. The governor, the bishop, and, eventually, the Overseas Council all understood the necessity of permitting these dances, whether heretical or not, if they were to maintain control over the labor force.
The Governor of Pernambuco Caetano Pinto de Miranda Montenegro — 17 moved to restrict participation in these African dances in They had become politically and socially dan- gerous. By the late nineteenth century, repression had become the accepted 56 Martinho de Mello e Castro to Bishop D.
Both cases reveal that Indians and Afro-Brazilians were far from being passive victims of the colonial system.
Each group reached for the divine in much the same way as their ancestors had, maintaining cherished tra- ditions, rituals, and beliefs. The Jurema Cult represents an indigenous re- working of these religious forms in the context of a cultural invasion to reassert indigenous identity and culture, while the batuques were probably as much an expression of African religious identity and belief as they were syncretic practices used to resist and subvert the colonial order.
Table of contents
Nonetheless both the batuques and the Jurema Cult emerged from the colonial period very different from how they began. The new articulations were probably the result of the constant need to negotiate the pressures and opportunities of colonial life. Over the long term, both absorbed those aspects of the available alternative religious belief systems that were com- patible with their needs and interests through the continual process of cul- tural transformation and recreation.
We need to resist the temptation to read those creative recreations backward into the historical record and impose them on people, places, events, and belief systems to which they do not belong. Indians and Afro-Brazilians in Brazil insisted on the privilege to control their own religiosity and tried to gain access to the spiritual power of other peoples when necessary. Neither the Catholic clergy nor the colonial authorities could control when or how or what they adopted.
To understand the failure of the Inquisition and colonial authorities to suppress either the batuques or the Jurema Cult we must remember that inquisitional power was not exercised in a vacuum. Oxford University Press, , — Taylor, Magistrates of the Sacred: Stanford University Press, , The Inquisition had to evaluate the potential threat, the relative costs, and the need to exert its authority in a climate of com- peting powers and hotly contested jurisdictional disputes. It had to choose carefully where it would spend its political and religious capital for the greatest possible return.
Thus the Inquisition manifested very little interest in what appeared to be a purely indigenous ritual and neglected to support local attempts to suppress it. Probably the most important difference between the Jurema Cult and the batuques was that jurema use was initially limited to Indians in peripheral missions and did not spread to the white or black population until the end of the eighteenth century, whereas the batuques occurred in plantations and in cities where they attracted participation from a broad sector of society, including the white elite.
Even clerics had participated in the ceremonies.
This was clearly far more threatening to the socioreligious order and merited the expenditure of inquisitional capital. The urban form of this music, marked by influences from the Hispanic Caribbean and popularized by Pinduca, Verequete, and other performers, was one of the main ingredients of the lambada dance craze of the s. A striking example of this can be seen in photo 1, which shows a batuque medium on her way from her initiatory seclusion to her baptism, escorted by her godparents.
Two people thus associated regard themselves as bound by particularly close bonds and so come out side by side. In the afternoon, dressed in their finest clothes, the neophytes make another exit no less solemn than the first…. They are led before an altar which has been put up in the peristyle and decorated on either side with curtains. Umbanda consolidated in southern Brazil in the s, when it also accompanied urbanization and industrialization.
Its structure allows for regional variation, that allow for both local and national identifications. This center was not a member of the local Umbanda federation, but had affiliations to Umbanda centers in Rio. The Brazilian folklorist Edison Carneiro once wrote that Afro- Brazilian religions are an urban phenomenon. In the case of Umbanda, it could be added that they are also urbanizing. Umbanda accompanies and assists the processes of urbanization and national integration.
It could almost be called an index of integration: whenever a Brazilian city or town is pulled into a "national" economic and cultural orbit, Umbanda is sure to follow. It is maintained by caboclos in areas that coincide with agricultural zones 8 formerly worked by black slaves. It is maintained by caboclos in areas that coincide with agricultural zones formerly worked by black slaves.
Single-heade drum, straddled; friction drum; can rattles- ba-kongo!
The player wets his hands in a bowl of water kept nearby, reaches into the box and pulls on the palmito. Dance styles exhibit a broad range of cultural influences, from the Iberian hand on hip posture and snapping of fingers in castanet fashion, to mimetic dances of indigenous origin.
Com palmas, os homens convidam as mulheres a formar a roda. Their function is to call and greet the santos or encantados, and to identify a possessing spirit.
Cobra Coral Coral Snake is a caboclo deity, believed to live in a forest encantaria, or spirit home. Os Caboclos de Pena live in an encantaria called Jurema, also the name of a special class of spirits. In other parts of Brazil, Jurema has taken on the general meaning of "forest" or "realm of the caboclos. Consultas diretas, geralmente gostam de trabalhos de ajuda profissional. They are confused with demons by the use of tridents, but the Tridents were never Satan's but Poseidon's, and they symbolize the fight against all evil.
The offerings are made in the Small Kalunga cemetery or at crossroads. The offerings are done only when required by the spirits, never intending to harm anyone.In addition to personal names and weather predictions, other areas of research that interest me include: verbal art and performance, agriculture-related discourse, linguistic expressions of traditional knowledge, communication between scientists and the public, and vulnerability of rural and Arctic populations to weather-related hazards.
The Inquisition also proved willing to permit certain kinds of religious deviance when it did not threaten the colonial order and when it did not have the resources to respond effec- tively. Download Dayman mp3 toolbox pro 6. The focus of my current work is on personal names, particularly the experiences of people whose names do not fit into the legal, institutional and conventional frameworks for the structure, spelling and pronunciation of names in Canada.
Intermediate Technology, He claimed that the cult had spread to the villages of the Panaty, the Jacoca, the Pegas, and all the others in the region. Indeed, they were very similar to the arlequim and other dances that per- mitted the movement of the body, which, even though they were not the most innocent, were not that different from the fandangos of Castile, the fofas of Portugal, or the londuns of the whites and pardos of Brazil. We need to resist the temptation to read those creative recreations backward into the historical record and impose them on people, places, events, and belief systems to which they do not belong.
About this book Introduction Global climatic change will most likely affect natural resources and human living conditions in semiarid regions.
Inquisitional and Episcopal authorities in Brazil held the primary responsibility for dealing with religious deviance.
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